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Mohamed Hamdan Dagolo, once earned his living trading camels and gold. Now, his paramilitary Rapid Support Forces hold sway over a vast expanse of Sudan.

Consolidating Control in Darfur

Hemedti's forces scored a major triumph by capturing the city of al-Fasher, which was the final military stronghold in the Darfur area.

Feared and despised by his enemies, Hemedti is respected by his followers for his ruthlessness and his promise to overthrow the corrupt state.

Humble Beginnings

Hemedti's origins are modest. He hails from the Mahariya clan of the camel-herding Rizeigat community, an Arabic-speaking group that straddles Chad and Darfur.

His birth year is approximately 1975, like many from rural areas, his date and place of birth were never recorded.

Guided by his uncle Juma Dagolo, his family relocated to Darfur in the late 20th century, escaping war and in search of greener pastures.

Early Career

After leaving school in his adolescence, Hemedti began earning by dealing in livestock across the Sahara to Libya and Egypt.

During that period, Darfur was Sudan's wild west—poor, ignored by the government of then-President Omar al-Bashir.

Local armed groups known as the Janjawid raided villages of the indigenous Fur, escalating a major uprising in 2003.

Rise Through Violence

In response, Bashir massively expanded the Janjaweed to lead his counter-insurgency campaign. They soon became infamous for burning, looting, and killing.

Hemedti's force was part of this, implicated in attacking the village of Adwa in November 2004, claiming the lives of 126 people, including dozens of minors.

International inquiries determined that the Janjaweed were responsible for genocide.

Calculated Moves

After the height of violence in 2004, Hemedti skillfully navigated his ascent to become head of a powerful paramilitary force, a business network, and a political machine.

At one point he rebelled, demanding unpaid salaries for his fighters, advancements, and a political position for his brother. Bashir granted many of his requests.

Later, when rival militias mutinied, Hemedti led loyalist troops that crushed them, taking over Darfur's biggest gold mining site at Jabel Amir.

Quickly, his family company Al-Gunaid became the top gold exporter in Sudan.

Formalizing Power

In 2013, Hemedti asked for and received official recognition as commander of the new paramilitary group, answering only to Bashir.

The Janjaweed were integrated into the RSF, receiving new uniforms, vehicles, and weapons.

Regional Ambitions

The RSF fought in Darfur, struggled in the Nuba Mountains, and took on a contract to police the border with Libya.

Supposedly curbing illicit migration, Hemedti's officers also engaged in extortion and people-trafficking.

By 2015, Gulf nations requested Sudanese troops for the war in Yemen. Hemedti struck his own agreement to provide his fighters as contractors.

His ties with the UAE proved highly significant, marking the start of a close relationship with Emirati leadership.

Expanding Influence

Recruits flocked to RSF enlistment offices for signing bonuses of up to $6,000.

Hemedti struck a partnership with Russia's Wagner Group, gaining expertise in exchange for commercial dealings, including in the gold trade.

He visited Moscow occurred on the day of the invasion of Ukraine.

Turning on Allies

As protests grew, Bashir deployed Hemedti's units to the city of Khartoum, nicknaming him himayti.

It was a miscalculation. In April 2019, when demonstrators demanded democracy, Bashir instructed troops to shoot. Instead, the military leaders deposed him.

For a time, Hemedti was celebrated as a fresh face for Sudan. He attempted to rebrand, but that lasted only weeks.

Renewed Brutality

As the transition stalled, Hemedti deployed his forces, which committed massacres, raped women, and reportedly executed men in the Nile.

Hemedti has rejected that the RSF engaged in war crimes.

Under foreign pressure, the military and civil leaders agreed to a compromise, leading to an uneasy partnership for two years.

Current Conflict

When a committee started looking into army businesses, the two generals dismissed the civilians and seized power.

But they fell out. Burhan demanded the RSF come under army command. Hemedti refused.

In April 2023, RSF units moved to surround key bases in Khartoum. The takeover effort was unsuccessful, and violence broke out city-wide.

Conflict intensified in Darfur, with the RSF launching brutal attacks against the Masalit community.

International organizations report thousands of casualties, with the US describing it ethnic cleansing.

Present Situation

The RSF has acquired modern weapons, including sophisticated drones, used to strike army positions and critical for the capture of el-Fasher.

Equipped thus, the RSF is in a deadlock with the Sudanese army.

Hemedti has formed a rival administration, the so-called unity government, appointing himself leader.

With the capture of el-Fasher, the RSF now holds the majority of populated areas west of the Nile.

After allegations of mass killings, Hemedti announced a probe into violations perpetrated by his soldiers.

Many believe Hemedti sees himself as ruler of an independent region or aspires to control the entire country.

It's also possible, he may become a political puppet master, controlling a vast network of interests.

While Hemedti's troops commit violence in el-Fasher, he appears confident of impunity in a world that does not care.